Optymalizacja procedur wyborczych w odniesieniu
do parlamentu o złożonej strukturze wewnętrznej
Więcej
Ukryj
1
Instytut Nauk Politycznych Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Data publikacji: 28-01-2020
Studia Politologiczne 2002;6
STRESZCZENIE
The topic of this article is the construction of the best suited electoral
regulations with regard to a parliament with a complex, two house internal
structure.
The division of parliament enforces the necessary difference in the
political projection of the two houses, which in turn requires the creation
of different electoral methods. The methods applied, however, are of secondary
importance to the a priori determined type of representation, which is reflected
in each house of the legislative body. One of the houses is always the forum
for political and party representation, the other most often adopts other
forms of representation. This can take the form of federal (USA, Germany,
Switzerland), territorial or regional (Spain, Italy), self-government (France,
Netherlands), or economic representation (Ireland, Slovenia). Only after
determining the type of representation, can the number and variety of
electoral methods be selected. For this reason, polymorphism is characteristic
for electoral systems regarding the latter house, beginning with the hereditary
systems, through nominations, indirect election, and finishing with general
and direct elections. There are also other combination solutions incorporating
several basic methods, and finally, the individual arithmetic methods of
counting votes and translating them into mandates.
The method of repartitioning the mandates (proportional or by majority)
is very often considered a sufficient factor in diversifying the political
composition of both houses. In practice, however, it proves to be insufficient, especially where there is a shortage of a clearly defined formula of
representation for the upper house, which is forcefully exemplified in the
Polish case.
A characteristic trait of the election system of members to this house
is, additionally, the clearly marked personalisation of the voting act itself.
The specific nature of election systems applied in the case of the upper
houses also leave their mark on the election campaign – the excitement of
the campaign, and more widely of the whole elections ends the moment the
composition of the newly elected lower house is set. Elections to the upper
house do not generate such fervour, which undoubtedly is the result of this
house’s asymmetrical position within the parliamentary arrangement. Without
a doubt, the fundamental meaning of the existence of this second house is
to moderate and provide a check to the divided seats of power. The presence
of a second house has the effect of preventing the potential hegemony of
the other house of parliament, or the other “forces” and thus provides
stability to the whole political system, which is of particular importance in
situations in which there is a lack of clearly defined political constellations,
especially in the lower house. In such moments, the upper or second house
can reveal itself and its potential strength and serviceability, evolving from
a “spare” house into a house with real pouvoir.